It's Black History Month in the Britain, and it seems it’s time for a re-evaluation. Over the years, an celebration that began as a commemorative event of heritage, traditions and links between international African diaspora communities, has taken on a corporate feel, broadening to incorporate gatherings where Black people are remunerated to talk to white audiences about hidden biases and active solidarity. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade generated a rise in the business of displaying cultural sensitivity. But even that moment has passed. The wave has peaked, leaving a sort of hollowed out legacy of what raising awareness is for.
First commemorated in the US and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with a week of commemoration and observance in the second week of February. Black History Month grew out of this initiative and was publicly established in 1970. Today it is observed not only in the US and Canada in winter, but also in autumn in the UK, the Federal Republic of Germany, Ireland and the Holland.
The period has transformed since those days, placing less emphasis on the accounts of the slave trade across the Atlantic and civil rights battles, and greater focus on prominent Black figures in government, the arts, and social movements, and broadly celebrating the input Black people have made to mold society. It is in schools where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with talks and cultural events. But the way the month is celebrated is a indication of the political moment. How it develops is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to dismantling: the restructuring of Black History Month has impeded the purpose of it, which is to confront embedded and established prejudice.
Little demonstrates how important it is to reevaluate Black History Month more than the particular moment in which it occurs this year. In the United Kingdom, a revitalized conservative movement in the form of the Reform party is ahead in surveys. In the summer we witnessed the biggest extreme right demonstration in British history. a prominent political figure, the Black leader of the right-wing political group, is a strong critic of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a place where a member of parliament feels emboldened to say that “not seeing any white faces” in certain urban areas is a cause for alarm. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are expanding in the European continent as a complete entity.
In the United States, a significant offensive against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been brought, often successfully, to the top legal institutions of the country. A drive to remove Black history and experience from the archives is in progress. One of the political figure's initial presidential directives focused on the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the prestigious establishment, accusing them of a organized and extensive campaign to alter the country's historical narrative” by portraying America “as fundamentally prejudiced”.
Given these circumstances, the celebration represents how insufficiently it can be impactful if it is restricted to either dutiful corporate observances, or politically neutered festivities of historical achievements, rather than confronting the realities of the current era. It also demonstrates how its restricted time span means that it is separated from the wider consistent effort that is needed. Denise Miller, a educator at a learning establishment, articulated it most accurately when she expressed apprehension about the temporary “tokenism” of the observance. “The problem with embracing a superficial method”, she commented, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month becomes a fleeting performance rather than a driver of transformation.”
Establishing how to alter, change and broaden efforts for equal rights and acknowledgment in such moments of dejection and worry is a difficult task. There is a inclination to just discontinue events including Black History Month altogether, thinking they are inadequate for current needs, or are relics of an time that has failed to deliver.
But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and legacy of activism for racial justice – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, inclusion and equity efforts, and yes, even those talks to businesses – represent an foundation that a considerable labor has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the situation evolves (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? Firstly, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed throughout the annual calendar (as some institutions are already starting to implement), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) integrated into educational programs. It would also be a period that does not evade political issues, and allows opportunity for individuals, particularly young people, to air their fears and experiences. What value has basic knowledge of the past when it ignores the current situation of extreme conservative demonstrations in the street? Establishments who observe it should not be pacified with the neutral terminology of “unconscious bias” and sensitivity to minor insults, but confronted with the risks that impact society if fight against prejudice is not taken seriously. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made current, critical, and adaptive. It could be that an complete renaming is required – Present-Day African Heritage Celebration.
Maya Sterling is a film critic with over a decade of experience, passionate about uncovering hidden gems in cinema.